The creation time, or dreamtime, is the time when the creation ancestors were travelling across the landscape. The tracks left by the ancestors are known as dreaming tracks.

Creation ancestors (first people) came in many and sometimes different forms. They were Rainbow snakes, Bula (Jawoyn ancestor), Namarrgon (Lightning man), Warramurrungundji (Earth mother) and others.

One of the main creation ancestors in the Kakadu area is Warramurrungundji (Mother of the earth), who travelled to Kakadu with her husband from the islands to the north-east. She sent out spirit children, telling them which languages to speak and teaching them how to hunt and gather food from their land. She created river systems, billabongs and much of the wildlife in the region. When her journey was completed, she sat down and rested, changing into a large rock, which marks her dreaming site.

Dreaming and ceremonial sites

Aboriginal people recognise three types of significant sites:

• djang (dreaming places)
• djang andjamun (dangerous sacred dreaming places)
• ceremonial sites.

Djang and djang andjamun sites relate to the activities of the creation ancestors. The sites mark the ancestors’ passage through the land and their change into other forms or they signify where the ancestors entered or departed the earth. Ceremonial sites are places created by human action.

Djang andjamun sites are associated with the creation ancestor Bula and his wives. If djang andjamun sites are disturbed the results will be catastrophic for all.

The Jawoyn people, who look after this area, have strict laws and protocols for access to these sites.

Djang sites are often some unusual feature in the landscape that marks the journey of a creation ancestor. These sites are not dangerous and access to them is not necessarily restricted.

Ceremonial sites are used for the performance of rituals. Among the common ceremonies are the ‘rite of passage’ ceremony, which marks a person’s progress from one stage of their social and religious life to another, and ceremonies connected with primary and secondary burial.

Clans, kinship and language

The Kakadu region is culturally diverse. The Aboriginal people in the region are from a number of different clans, often speaking different languages and in some cases upholding different traditions. The structure of Aboriginal society was given to Aboriginal people by their ancestors during the creation time.

Clans

A clan usually consists of two or more family groups that share an area of land over which they have ownership. Clan boundaries are passed from one generation to the next, generally through the father. Before the arrival of non-Aboriginal people there were over twenty clan groups in the Kakadu area; now about nineteen remain.

Kinship

The kinship system of the Aboriginal people in the Kakadu area is very complex. All people, plants, animals, songs, dances, ceremonies and land are divided into two groups, or ‘moieties’: Dhuwa or Yirritja. Each moiety is subdivided into eight ‘skin’ groups. A child’s skin group is determined by their mother’s skin group but they inherit their moiety from their father.

In simple terms, kinship can be described as a system that defines how people relate to each other. Through the use of ‘skin names’ people identify others around them as mothers, fathers, uncles, aunts, cousins, potential marriage partners, and so on, and modify their behaviour accordingly. Almost every aspect of day-to-day communication with other Aboriginal people is governed by kinship ties.

The Warradjan Aboriginal Cultural Centre houses a very good display and interactive game that will help you understand kinship.

Language

At the time of non-Aboriginal settlement twelve languages were spoken is the Kakadu area. Today only three are spoken on a regular basis: Gun-djeihmi, Kunwinjku and Jawoyn. Many Aboriginal people still, however, speak two or more languages, often a consequence of spending time with relatives who belong to a different clan and language group. Aboriginal English, with its own grammatical rules, is a recognised dialect of English and is also widely spoken. Most of the quotes from Aboriginal people in this website are in Aboriginal English.

Only recently have Aboriginal people from the Kakadu region compiled written versions of their languages. Unlike English, the spelling system used to record local languages is very consistent, so once you have learnt the rules it is quite easy to work out how to pronounce words. The Aboriginal Language Park Note, which gives details on how to pronounce the Gun-djeihmi alphabet, is available from the Bowali Visitor Centre.

An ancient heritage

There are rock paintings in Kakadu that depict animals that are now extinct on the Australian mainland. For example, the long-beaked echidna is thought to have disappeared about 15,000 years ago, while the thylacine (Tasmanian tiger) and the Tasmanian devil are thought to have disappeared from the mainland about 2,000 to 3,000 years ago (Chaloupka, 1993).

Archaeologists have found an extensive range of Aboriginal artefacts at old camping sites throughout the Park, particularly in the escarpment and floodplain country. Radiocarbon dating of material from some of these sites has revealed an occupation date of between 20,000 and 25,000 years. There were, however, artefacts below the last layer of carbon-bearing sands, indicating that humans were in Kakadu earlier than this.

Thermoluminescence dating of sand associated with artefacts from lower levels, puts the occupation date of Kakadu at 50,000 to 60,000 years before the present, making these the oldest occupation sites discovered in Australia. Among the artefacts associated with the sites are flaked-stone tools, ground ochre and grindstones.

Changing landscapes

Aboriginal people have probably occupied the Kakadu area for at least 50,000 years, during which time they have had to adapt their lifestyle and technology to survive some major changes in environmental conditions.

Scientists believe that between 120,000 and 6,000 years ago the earth experienced a series of ice ages that caused rises and falls in the sea level as the polar ice caps thawed and froze.
The sea level was at its lowest at around 110,000, 90,000, 70,000 and 19,000 years ago. At these times Australia and New Guinea were one continent, separated from the Indonesian chain of islands by only 60-100 kilometres of water (Press et al. 1995). It is widely thought that it was during these periods that people using water craft first entered Australia. Incontrovertible evidence to support this theory will probably never be found because the coastline where people would have first landed is now covered by the sea.

Between 9,000 to 7,000 years ago sea-level rises caused flooding of river valleys. In time, the river valleys silted up and huge mangrove swamps were formed over much of northern Kakadu. A completely new range of food resources-such as barramundi, estuarine crocodile, catfish, mullet and shellfish-moved into the region and were used by Aboriginal people.
The sea level stabilised and reached its present position about 6000 years ago.

Between about 4,000 and 1,500 years ago estuarine conditions began to be replaced by freshwater conditions. Continued siltation and levee formations restricted the incursion of saltwater tides, and freshwater began to cover areas of mangrove swamps. This process formed the wetlands of Kakadu, which continue to provide Aboriginal people with turtles, file snakes, edible reeds and water lilies, and large numbers of waterbirds.

Changing lifestyles

Whilst Aboriginal people belong to a particular clan territory, they also travelled through and used other territories. Use of other clan territories was generally arranged through relationships established by marriage, kinship and ceremonial cooperation. In this way groups who observed the appropriate protocols could gain access to the full range of resources available in the region (Press et al 1995).

Aboriginal people were traditionally hunter-gatherers and moved regularly to places where resources were plentiful. There were no permanent settlements, but favoured camping areas were used for many, many generations. Among the temporary dwellings the people used were stringybark and paperbark shelters near billabongs, wet-season huts built on stilts on the floodplains, and rock shelters in the stone country.

When non-Aboriginal people arrived in the Kakadu area the Aboriginal population decreased markedly as many people died of disease or moved off their land to towns and settlements. The reduced population and the introduction of vehicles and shops have changed traditional seasonal movements: people are able to base themselves in an outstation or town and use vehicles to shop, to visit different outstations, to attend ceremonies and to move about the country on hunting trips.

It is thought that about 2,000 people lived in the Kakadu area before the arrival of non-Aboriginal people; there are now about 500 Aboriginal people living in Jabiru township and eighteen outstations dotted throughout the Park.

The role of fire has a major influence on the Australian environment and has shaped many of the plant communities we see today.

Before the arrival of non-Aboriginal people, Bininj managed their country with fire. Fires were lit all year round, although mostly in the early dry season. They were lit for many reasons: to make travelling easier; to flush out animals when hunting; to protect food resources such as yams from later fires; to clear around camp sites; to signal to others; and to fulfil spiritual and cultural obligations. These burning practices had the effect of promoting suitable habitats for a range of different plants and animals.

This earth, I never damage.
I look after. Fire is nothing, just clean up.
When you burn, new grass coming up.
That means good animal soon,
might be goanna, possum, wallaby.
Burn him off, new grass coming up, new life all over.
Bill Neidjie, Aboriginal traditional owner

Fires lit by Bininj as they travelled to different parts of the country created a patchwork of burnt and unburnt areas.

With the arrival of non-Aboriginal people, the Bininj population decreased. Many people died of disease, others moved off their land to towns and settlements. With fewer people on the land, less burning was carried out so hot, late dry season wildfires became more common. These hot fires were often large and destructive, changing the distribution of plants and animals.

Each wet season monsoonal rains prompt rapid plant growth. During the dry season the vegetation dries out and large quantities of fuel accumulate. Since proclamation of the Park, Bininj and Park managers have worked together to reduce the number of hot fires at the end of the dry season.

In the fire-sensitive stone country burning is used to reduce the amount of fuel along creeks. Firebreaks burnt around fire-sensitive communities such as monsoon forest, sandstone heath and mature paperbark forest help to protect the communities from later, hot wildfires.

Early in the dry season firebreaks are also burnt around art sites, buildings, camping areas and other permanent structures. parts of the Park boundary are burnt to reduce the risk of fires entering or leaving the Park.

In the woodland areas traditional owners and Park staff light many cool fires from the ground and the air in the early dry season. This creates a patchwork of burnt and unburnt areas, which breaks up the country, helping to prevent large, destructive wildfires later in the season.

As the floodplains dry out burning is done to reduce fuel loads. Bininj hunting goannas and turtles also light fires on the floodplains late in the dry season.

Research and monitoring are integral to fire management in Kakadu. Much research has already been done at Munmarlary and Kapalga; future research will look at the effects of burning in fire-sensitive communities and in the wet season. Continuing monitoring of the Park’s fire-management program and its effectiveness involves ground observation, photographic points that show the effect of burning over time, and satellite mapping of fire scars.

Reducing the risk of wildfires

Please help prevent wildfires by:

• making sure your cigarette butts and matches are out and putting them in rubbish bins, not on the ground;
• using the fireplaces provided and, if non are provided, clearing the area around your campfire of any flammable material; always putting your fire out before you leave.

Bininj (local Aboriginal people) recognise six seasons in the Kakadu (northern region).

Gunumeleng (Kunumeleng)

Gunumeleng, from mid-October to late December, may in fact last from a few weeks to several months. It is the pre-monsoon season of hot weather that becomes more and more humid. Thunderstorms build in the afternoons and scattered showers bring a tinge of green to the dry land. As the streams begin to run, acidic water that washes from the floodplains can cause fish to die in billabongs with low oxygen levels. Waterbirds spread out as surface water and new growth become more widespread. Barramundi move from the waterholes downstream to the estuaries to breed. This was when Bininj moved camp from the floodplains to the stone country, to shelter from the violent storms of the coming wet season.

Gudjewg (Kudjewk)

Gudjewg, from January to March, can be described as the ‘true’ wet season. It is a time of thunderstorms, heavy rain and flooding. The heat and humidity generate an explosion of plant and animal life. Spear grass grows to over 2 metres tall and creates a silvery-green hue throughout the woodlands. Magpie geese nest in the sedgelands. Flooding may cause goannas, snakes and rats to seek refuge in the trees. Eggs and stranded animals are a good food source for Bininj during this time.

Banggerreng (Bungkerreng)

Banggerreng, in April, is the season when the rain clouds have dispersed and clear skies prevail. The vast expanses of floodwater recede and streams start to run clear. Most plants are fruiting and animals are caring for their young. Violent, windy storms early in this season flatten the spear grass; they are called ‘knock ’em down’ storms.

Yegge (Yekke)

Yegge, from May to mid-June, is relatively cool with low humidity. Early morning mists hang low over the plains and waterholes. The shallow wetlands and billabongs are carpeted with water lilies. Drying winds and flowering Darwin woollybutt tell Bininj that it is time to start burning the woodlands in patches to ‘clean the country’ and encourage new growth for grazing animals.

Wurrgeng (Wurrkeng)

Wurrgeng, from mid-June to mid-August, is the ‘cold weather’ time; humidity is low, daytime temperatures are around 30°C and night-time temperatures are around 17°C. Most creeks stop flowing and the floodplains quickly dry out. Burning continues, extinguished by the dew at night. By day, birds of prey patrol the fire lines as insects and small animals try to escape the flames. Magpie geese, fat and heavy after weeks of abundant food, and a myriad of other waterbirds crowd the shrinking billabongs.

Gurrung (Kurrung)

Gurrung, from mid-August to mid-October, is hot and dry. It is still ‘goose time’ but also time for Bininj to hunt file snakes and long-necked turtles. Flatback and Green turtles lay their eggs on the sandy beaches of Field Island and West Alligator Head where goannas sometimes rob their nests. White-breasted wood swallows arrive as thunderclouds build, signalling the return of Gunumeleng.

Mungguy (Jayown) in the Southern part of the Park recognise 5 seasons.

• Katherine – http://www.bom.gov.au/iwk/calendars/jawoyn.shtml

These links provide more information or present similar information in different ways:

• https://www.environment.gov.au/topics/national-parks/kakadu-national-park/natural-environment/six-seasons
• https://parksaustralia.gov.au/kakadu/discover/nature/seasons/

There are other calendars in nearby regions. For example:

• West Arnhem – https://www.csiro.au/en/Research/Environment/Land-management/Indigenous/Indigenous-calendars/Kunwinjku
• Yellow Water (Ngurrungurrudjba) – https://www.csiro.au/en/research/natural-environment/land/About-the-calendars/Ngurrungurrudjba

Rock art of Kakadu – Rock art shows our life

Rock art is an important part of Aboriginal people’s lives. Mimi spirits were the first of the creation ancestors to paint on rock. They taught some Aboriginal people how to paint and other Aboriginal people learned by copying Mimi art.

Aboriginal people in the Kakadu area paint rock images rarely now. Among the reasons for this is the fact that Aboriginal people no longer live in rock shelters and there are fewer people with the necessary knowledge to allow them to paint at certain sites. Nevertheless, Aboriginal artists continue to paint on bark, paper and other materials. In recent years printing traditional designs onto fabric has become a popular art form, particularly among women.

In spite of this, rock art remains relevant to Bininj: the works depict objects still used, animals still hunted, and activities people still do.

The rock art in Kakadu was painted for a number of reasons:

• hunting — animals were often painted to increase their abundance and to ensure a successful hunt by placing people in touch with the spirit of the animal
• religious significance — at some sites paintings depict aspects of particular ceremonies
• stories and learning — stories associated with the creation ancestors, who gave shape to the world were painted
• sorcery and magic — paintings could be used to manipulate events and influence people’s lives; fun-for play and practice.

Some sites and paintings could be painted only by people with the requisite knowledge. For example, sorcery paintings could be painted only by the holder of magic knowledge. Other paintings, particularly at sites depicting stories of creation ancestors, were often repainted. Again, only people with knowledge of the stories could repaint them. The act of painting put artists in touch with their creation ancestors—a powerful experience.

Generally, the act of painting was more important than the painting itself. At many sites in Kakadu images have been painted over each other: the artist was not concerned about preserving an image for posterity but simply wanted to paint to tell a story.

The public story

The stories and knowledge associated with many paintings often have a number of levels of meaning. Younger people and non-Aboriginal people are told the first level, known as the ‘public story’. Access to the ‘full story’ depends on an individual’s progression through ceremonial life, their interest, and their willingness to take on the responsibilities that go with that knowledge.

Mineral paints

Several naturally occurring minerals are used to make the basic colours common in rock paintings:

• haematite — an iron-rich rock used to make red pigment
• limonite and goethite — used to make yellow/orange pigment
• ochre — an iron-stained clay that is used to make red, orange and yellow and can be made darker by baking it in a fire before grinding
• kaolin, or pipeclay, and huntite — used to make white pigment
• manganese oxide and charcoal — used to make black colour, although charcoal is not a mineral and does not last long.

Of all the pigments, haematite lasts longest. Over time it penetrates and bonds with the rock surface. As a result, the majority of old paintings visible today are completely red. The other white and yellow pigments commonly used in X-ray paintings form a layer on the surface of the rock; they are very vulnerable to damage by wind, water, animals and humans, so many recent paintings are deteriorating rapidly.

Pigments are crushed on a stone palette and mixed with water to form a paste. Paint is applied using brushes made from human hair, chewed sticks, reeds and feathers. Wet pigments are also blown from the mouth around objects to create stencils, the hand stencil being the most common; examples of hand stencils can be seen at Ubirr and Nanguluwur.

Dating rock art

It is difficult to accurately assess the age of rock art. The thermoluminescence dating technique has been used in Kakadu to date the sand surrounding pieces of ground ochre to 50,000 years ago. Used pieces of ochre provide good evidence that there was artistic expression of some sort at this early date, although not necessarily rock art. Carbon-dating techniques require the presence of carbon-bearing organic materials, which are generally not used in the mineral paints of the Kakadu region. Carbon dating has, however, been used to date bees-wax paintings, the oldest of which was found to be about 4,000 years old.

By studying the subjects and art styles and then comparing them with climatic, geological and archaeological evidence, researchers have been able to estimate the age of a number of paintings. Paintings of animals now extinct on the Australian mainland can be assumed to have been done before, or shortly after, these animals disappeared: the long-beaked echidna is thought to have become extinct 15,000 years ago; the thylacine and Tasmanian devil became extinct more recently, probably about 2,000 to 3,000 years ago. Paintings of other animals are linked to specific environmental conditions: estuarine conditions are thought to have begun about 6,000 years ago, so paintings of estuarine fish are probably less than 6,000 years old; the freshwater floodplains developed more recently, so paintings of freshwater birds such as magpie geese are probably less than 1,500 years old.

Conservation of rock art

Rock art is extremely important to the Aboriginal owners of Kakadu. Some old people remember watching their relatives paint while telling stories about their country. Rock paintings are generally found in sheltered areas away from the direct effects of the elements, but even the most protected sites can be damaged by the actions of water, animals, insects, plants and people. Park management has researched the causes of rock art deterioration, the chemical composition of the pigments, and the nature of the bonds between the rock surface and the pigments

Water flowing over or seeping through the rocks is a common problem. Apart from the water’s dissolving action, salts deposited on the rock surface can cover some of the art. An effective management solution is to install silicon drip lines to divert the water away from the paintings. Drip lines can be seen at the Ubirr, Nourlangie and Nanguluwur art sites.

Feral animals such as buffalo and pigs like to camp in the shade of ground-level shelters and often rub themselves against rock faces. The reduction in the number of these animals has helped limit their damage to rock art. Wasps and termites also damage rock art by building nests and tunnels over it.

Kakadu Park Management has erected a number of viewing platforms to reduce damage to precious rock art. Where practicable, Park staff carefully remove old nests and tunnels. People pose a serious threat to rock art, especially at much-visited sites such as Ubirr and Nourlangie. Generally, the damage is unintentional, caused by raising dust or touching the paintings. An individual visitor might not pose a problem, but the presence of thousands of people each week can cause serious damage very quickly. Boardwalks have been installed to minimise the amount of dust settling on the paintings and to prevent visitors from touching the art. Major rock art restoration work in the Park is uncommon; during the 1990s the deteriorating layer of white paint used in the X-ray figures at the Lightning Man art site was cleaned and consolidated.